[Educational talk given to Newcastle Socialist Alliance on February 11, 2026.]
Syria today.
Dramatic changes
This January saw dramatic changes in Syria. From controlling one-third of the country, thew Democratic Autonomous Administration of North East Syria (DAANES) and its military forces, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have been pushed back to the Kurdish heartland in NE Syria and forced to agree to a very harsh “integration” with the Islamist regime in Damascus.
On January 6 a meeting took place in Paris: Israel, Syria, the US and Turkey were all involved. It set the seal on what later took place.
That same day the assault began against the Kurdish districts in Aleppo. The SDF was soon pushed out of all positions west of the Euphrates. Next it was forced to withdraw from Arab-majority towns east of the river, in the south: Deir Ezzor, Taqba and Raqqa.
Raqqa had been the Islamic State (IS) capital in Syria. It was liberated at tremendous human cost in a gruelling four-month battle in 2017. The YPJ played a central role in the victory.
YPJ fighters celebrate historic 2017 victory in Raqqa's central square.
Rojava Revolution
The French Marxist Michel Löwy recently gave an interview to ANF News.
Löwy said the Rojava experience must be protected, adding that the coming weeks and months will show whether the Rojava model can survive. He said: “If this experience comes to an end, it would be tragic. Despite all its problems, limitations, and contradictions, Rojava has been one of the most advanced experiences in the world in terms of real democracy and women’s liberation.
“For everyone fighting for socialism, women’s rights, and ecology, it has been an inspiring experience. That is why its complete destruction would be a great loss.”
The Western governments profess a commitment to women’s rights, democracy, multiculturalism and ecology but in reality they actually saw Rojava as a threat — they don’t want anything like it in the Middle East or at home. So, beyond some empty words they have no intention of doing anything meaningful to support Rojava in its hour of need.
Alliance with the US
Washington has openly thrown the Kurds under the proverbial bus. What was involved? As US envoy Tom Barrack brutally explained, previously the US needed them, now it doesn’t. Washington has instead plunged on Turkey and the Damascus regime.
I think it is incorrect to describe this as a “betrayal”. Washington was never on board politically and never pretended otherwise. The collaboration was never more than a tactical alliance between the US military and the Kurdish/SDF forces.
So when Turkey seized Afrin in 2018 and two years later seized another chunk of Rojava, the US did nothing. In the light of what has happened, the idea, popular in some quarters, that the Kurds were a “proxy” of the US is simply ridiculous.
Arab involvement
The SDF was a majority Arab formation. Several hundred Arab fighters were martyred in the various struggles. A significant number of Arab women joined the YPJ, attracted by the idea of a life free of patriarchal restrictions and commitment to the struggle.
Since the fall of Assad, the new Damascus regime and its Turkish backers have made an enormous and sustained effort to peel the Arab tribes away from their alliance with the Kurds. Arab chauvinism has always been a key weapon of successive regimes in Syria and it was obvious it would feature heavily this time around too. Because the revolution has had a differential impact on Kurdish and Arab society, this tack has had a considerable effect.
Any Arab personalities or forces that continue to collaborate with the Kurds will be under mortal threat from Turkey and the Damascus gang.
Turkey’s role
From the foundation of the Turkish republic in 1923, the various regimes there have always been extremely anti-Kurd. There have been massacres, language bans, repression and marginalisation of the Kurdish 25% of the population. The regime aims to crush any manifestation of Kurdishness wherever and whenever it appears.
Of course, Turkey is perfectly happy with the kleptocratic Barzani gang which dominates the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq. The KRG is a typical Third World setup, with extreme inequalities of wealth and income. It is completely subservient to Turkey and the US.
Turkey constantly presents Rojava as a security threat. The idea that a few million people who simply want a peaceful life seriously threaten Turkey’s security is completely ludicrous. But what does threaten the Turkish regime is the power of a positive example (feminism, self-government, democracy, inter-ethnic harmony and so on).
[In his interview with ANF News] Michel Lowy also addressed the ongoing process in Turkey aimed at a democratic solution to the Kurdish question, saying that the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has never approached this process sincerely.
Löwy said: “The attacks on Rojava are proof of this. The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) accepted disarmament, yet Erdoğan did not show even the smallest sign of goodwill. Kurdish prisoners remain in jail. The leaders of the legal Kurdish party are imprisoned. Kurdish mayors have been removed from the office. While steps have been taken on the side of the Kurdish movement, there has been no corresponding step whatsoever from the Turkish government.”
We might add that Turkey continues building its bases in northern Iraq. Furthermore, Shengal (Sinjar), the autonomous area that is the home of the Kurdish Yezidi people, is under constant threat from Turkey or the Iraqi government under Turkish pressure.
It seems that Erdogan simply wants an electoral boost for his party from the dissolution of the PKK and that’s it.
Details of deal
Let’s look at what the deal between the Kurds and Damascus involves. All this is taken from the January 30 article on X by MaximeAzadi (machine translation; I’ve numbered the points for convenience):
The main points of the agreement
Ceasefire between Damascus and the SDF.
Withdrawal of military forces from the lines of contact.
Deployment of Syrian Ministry of the Interior security forces in the urban centers of Hasakah and Qamishli.
Gradual integration of local security forces into the structures of the Syrian state.
Creation of a military division integrated into the Syrian army, composed of three SDF brigades and one brigade from Kobani, under the authority of the Aleppo Governorate.
Integration of the institutions of the Autonomous Administration into the Syrian state.
Permanent positions for current civil servants.
Guarantee of the civil, cultural, and educational rights of the Kurdish people.
Safe and dignified return of displaced persons to their areas of origin.
So far, Kobani remains under total siege (by Turkey and the Damascus regime); no refugees have been allowed to return to Afrin and the other Turkish-occupied regions; and Damascus is demanding that the SDF hand over its heavy weapons (i.e., effectively disarm).
Maxime Azadi continues:
What is not stated
Kurdish rights: To what extent will the civil, cultural, and educational rights of Kurds be guaranteed? Will there be a dedicated education system in the Kurdish regions, or will Kurdish language instruction be limited to a single optional subject, as Damascus desires? Will these rights be individual, collective, or national in nature? No details have been provided at this stage.
Afrin and Serekaniyê: What guarantees exist for the return of residents to Kurdish cities under Turkish occupation? What will the form of administration, security, and governance be in these regions? Here again, no clear mechanism has been announced.
Women's Defense Forces: Will the Women's Defense Forces be part of the integrated brigades? Will their presence be maintained in the Kurdish regions as it is today? Will they be integrated into the local security forces in the Kurdish regions, or will they be completely dissolved? No specific details have been provided.
Preservation of identities and ways of life: Will the Kurds be able to preserve the democratic and secular character of their regions, or will it be dominated by Damascus's vision? This question also applies to all other ethnic and religious communities. Will they be able to preserve their distinctiveness and way of life?
Applicability of the agreement: The implementation of the agreement remains uncertain in a context where the Syrian regime relies on a mosaic of armed groups, including several jihadist groups and pro-Turkish paramilitary militias, accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Some of these factions are still on Western terrorist lists.
Guarantees and oversight: Who will be responsible for overseeing the implementation of the agreement? What mechanisms are in place to address violations or failures to uphold commitments?
Justice and accountability: Will perpetrators of serious crimes be prosecuted and held accountable, or will they enjoy de facto impunity?
Security of the Kurdish population: How can the Kurdish civilian population trust the Damascus forces deployed in Kurdish cities? Who will concretely guarantee the protection of Kurdish civilians on the ground?
Crucial role of solidarity
How bad will it get? As Maxime Azadi’s post indicates, things are already bad and could get much worse very quickly.
The Kurdish people and their allies will resist. They still have their armed forces. But they don’t want Rojava to be given the Gaza treatment (that is, mass destruction and a general massacre).
International solidarity is of vital importance. Already, the large and repeated actions in Western Europe have put the spotlight on Rojava and forced the Western governments to sound some warnings to Damascus. The large protests in Iraqi Kurdistan have also been notable.
Was Rojava doomed from the start? That is not a revolutionary attitude. Was the Russian Revolution doomed? Is the human race doomed by climate change? In a particular situation people seize their chance and risk everything to push the struggle forward to a new level. The future is not given; the struggle decides.